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Saturday, April 30, 2011

The Raabi Prophesy by Dr Jowhar

The Raabi Prophesy by Dr Jowhar

A reflective mood
Somalilanders are in a reflective mood as they prepare for the 20th Anniversary of the birth of their nation. These days there is a sense of contemplation, thoughtfulness and re-evaluation in Somaliland circles.
It is in this context that Somaliland’s premier publisher and intellectual powerhouse Dr. Jama Muse Jama has initiated a process that can translate this self reflection into solid form. He invited a group of Somalilanders to put down their thoughts in a book in a manner that Somalilanders and other Somalis could share. I have contributed a chapter to the second volume of that book. Its first volume will be published on May 18, 2011 to coincide with the celebration for Somaliland independence. And I bring to you some of the highlights of my thoughts in this matter
In this 20th anniversary of its independence Somaliland has no choice but to contend with some poignant geopolitical realities. The commonest descriptor that follows its name remains to be “the Self-declared Republic”; the nation has gained no open endorsement and no international reward for 20 years of independent, peaceful existence in a thriving and stable democracy in a corner of the world with high prevalence of strong men, misery and misgovernment. The nation’s democratic and secular dispensation remains to be the ultimate target of an Al Shabaab movement that is perpetually gaining strength despite the constant predictions of its imminent defeat and demise. And Somaliland finds itself battling Somali pirates in its shores, unruly tribesmen in its hinterland and vengeful scheming Diaspora based tribal aficionados in the virtual world of web pages and blogospheres (read the nonsensical Awdal Virtual State of Somalia).
Meanwhile the Somali problem has become the epitome of a new version of Murphy’s Law. “In the Case of Somalia whenever you think it cannot get any worse, it invariably will”. And to sour the mood further Somaliland is increasingly becoming the unintended victim of the fatal side effects that arise from the regional and international efforts of managing and containing the Somali problem. The nation may be running out of time, it is likely to become the victim of the good intensions of its neighbours gone badly or it may find its demise in the hands of the benign neglect of its friends elsewhere. Surviving containment is in the books for Somaliland but the nation has to start thinking in new and innovative ways to overcome the challenges of the radically different and emerging problem of Containment.
Containment: the practice
Containment has become the emergent international response to the chaos in Somalia. It is based on the logical conclusion that the world is neither willing nor capable of solving the Somali problem and that the Somali people have run out of ideas and steam in finding a solution to the crisis that has decimated their population. Yet the twin problems of Somali Piracy and Somali Al Shabaab movement have become too big to be ignored by the international community for they pose significant risk to the life, liberty and pursuit of free commerce in the region and internationally. And so things have just fallen into place and containment has become the accepted practice, the default position so as to limit the bitter fruits of Somali chaos to Somalis only. It is seems as if the same conclusion has been reached in many different capitals of the world simultaneously. When all is said and done the idea of “containment of the Somali problem” provides the best explanatory fit of all or almost all of the recent developments in Somali political, religious and military circumstances. It has successfully dwarfed all attempts at reaching a rational solution or even managing the Somali Crisis. As the Somali proverb says “Biyo Meel Godan Bay isku tagaan” (water collects at the lowest point.) Containment became the trough where water collects.
Containment includes many national, regional and international initiatives that have been gradually gathering pace over the last few years. Many of these steps are mundane and preventative steps like the intense attention and search every Somali triggers at every international port of entry and departure.
In Somalia itself containment crystallized into a subdivision of labour among the active participants in the Somali crisis. The containment of Al Shabaab is subcontracted to regional organizations, and local powers (AU, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, Rwanda and Djibouti). They are the countries that have been willing to put boots on the ground and lives on the line. The containment of Somali Piracy in the high seas and on the ground has become the domain of those with floating flotillas of muscle and manpower, those with experience in the world of espionage, subterfuge and cloak and dagger, and finally those with deep pockets and vested interest that impels them to provide the funding necessary for the introduction of Private Military Companies (PMC) into the action. PMCs for those who don’t know is the gentler name for what has been previously called the dogs of war and mercenary forces. Saracen International (which may or may not have ended its involvement in Somali problems) is but just one example among those.
Containment of Al Shabaab
The war in South Somalia today is best explained as the regional attempt of preventing the Al-Qaida affiliated Al Shabaab movement of Somalia from breaking out into a formidable regional force that can threaten its neighbours and the world beyond.
AMISOM with its insufficient numbers and anaemic funding was never really in any position to defeat Al Shabaab or to dislodge the group’s hold on Somalia although, this was always and continues to remain its public mask. Never the less AMISOM has succeeded in its real task of denying Al Shabaab the glory and psychological boost of taking over the Somali capital while effectively maintaining the fiction of the existence of a Somali Government.
Ethiopia and more recently Kenya has taken on the role of containing Al Shabaab from the periphery with varying degrees of Success. These neighbouring countries, who were at one time victims of the Somali wars in search of Great Somalia and who may still find themselves in a similar situation in the future have taken on with gusto and dedication to the task of containing Al Shabaab to the regions it now holds in South Somalia.
Ethiopia and to lesser extent Kenya employ Somali tribal militia that they train, arm, pay and fully control for this purpose. They surround Al Shabaab with these tribal militias from the north, west and south and the Indian Ocean completes the circle on the east. Tribal militias are volunteer gangsters whose first loyalty is to the ancestral God of vengeance and honour. The Containment militia however are beholden to a secondary master (Ethiopia or Kenya) for their survival. It is in the nature of tribal militia to fight anyone, Al Shabaab or any other “enemy”, provided that they are given a hand against their real enemies that happens to be the neighbouring Somali tribe. That is the nature of the tribal beast. Ethiopia and Kenya understand it well and they have succeeded to put these basal instincts of the Somali tribe to their own good use.
These tribal militias carry different names in various parts of the country. They started life as the militia of Warlords. Sometimes they “elect a president” (usually a Diaspora Somali) and take on the identity of an “xxx state of Somalia”. The xxx stands for whatever name the tribe or sub tribe chooses as an acceptable alternate to its name (Galmug State of Somalia, Maakhir State of Somalia Azania State of Somalia, Ximan iyo Xeeb etc). At other times they throw on religious garments and become God’s warriors of “Ahlu Sunna Wal Jamma”. In the lofty conferences in Nairobi and other high places these tribal militias undergo an ideological abstraction and bureaucratic nomenclature, ending up being referred to as “building blocks”, “4.5”, “Federal Constitution”. It is exceedingly important to deconstruct this terminology for it adds to the confusion of the Somali problem. Here is the essential description of a tribal militia: Its members all belong to the same tribe. Its leader is from the same tribe. It works out of the traditional tribal homeland. Its internal reason for existence is to defend itself from the neighbouring Somali tribe. It can take any name and fight for any “cause” determined by any sponsor that is willing to arm it and assist it in its primary mission.
With these innovations and initiatives AMISOM, Ethiopia and Kenya has so far succeeded to contain Somalia’s Al Shabaab Movement to regions it occupies in South Somalia.
Containment: the collateral Damage
Containment is neither as passive nor as peaceful as it sounds. It is an active process of war. It is a low grade chronic warfare that exacts a nagging ever present pain. Containment is a war in which the side that is on the offensive deliberately avoids killer blows and inflicts only small wounds that maim the victim. The intention is to force the victim to die of slow bleeding, starvation and shock. Containment is how the mighty soviet empire was made to collapse under its own weight. To see the modern effect of a war of containment on the body of a nation look no further than Mogadishu, no further than the hundreds of villages that witness the process of containment on a daily basis all over south Somalia. Where are the people of these ghost cities and towns? Why are the morgues full all the time when the streets are so empty, so deserted and so destroyed? The death of Somalis through constant daily bombardment, shelling, displacement and outright murder of large numbers in the active phases of containment in this unfortunate society has become the norm, a common factor that is simply driven out of the equation.
The invisible wounds exacted by Containment run deeper and further into the culture and psyche of the Somali people. The tribal militias of containment (Tribal Homelands, AKA Federal Constitution. AKA Ahlusuna Wal Jama, AKA 4.5, AKA XXX State of Somalia) create a Somali society that is permanently at war with itself. Tribal forces are incapable of living within a state, any state. Wherever you find an armed organized tribal militia you will also find a complete or near complete absence of the state. The two are mutually exclusive. The invisible wound of containment will be the permanent death of a Somali State. In other words under containment Somalia can exist only in the form of a large number of heavily armed tribes, each at war with all of its neighbours and each dependent on Ethiopia or Kenya for its continued existence. The road to hell is paved with good intentions.
Somaliland has become the unintended victim of containment as well. The creation of so many tribal militias, the ready availability of funding from TFG and from international and regional sources interested more in the defeat of Al Shabaab and much less in supporting the independence and stability and democracy of Somaliland has created a tribal storm in the heart of Somaliland. The dangling of a Federal Constitution, which essentially promises each Somali tribe its own state if it is able to establish its credentials by arming itself and fighting against the neighbouring tribe, has created most immediate and toxic environment for Somaliland. Already tribal wars about demarcation of tribal territories have started in eastern part of Somaliland and already tribal hot heads in the Diaspora has started to agitate for war in Awdal State of Somalia in western regions of Somaliland. Furthermore the arrival of mercenaries (Saracen International) in the Puntland State for the dual purposes of strengthening defences against Al Shabaab and going after the pirate lairs on land has destabilized the delicate balance of guns and bullets in the region and has been an essential element for fanning the flames of tribal wars in Somaliland.
Containment has been effective in minimizing the risk from Al Shabaab towards regional and international participants in the Somali conflict. It is has become the death knoll for Somali society and imminent risk to the existence and prosperity of Somaliland.
The Raabi Prophesy
Containment and TFG hoax has allowed neighbouring countries with dubious aims to impose their own designs on Somalia. This tribal sentiment which happens to be the natural inclination of the Somali is fed, armed and inflamed under the direct supervision of Ethiopia and Kenya, two nations that have a vested interest in Somali affairs that may not coincide with that of the Somali people to put it politely.
Ethiopia and Kenya can breathe better now with the concept of Great Somalia is dead and its religious reincarnation in the form of Al Shabaab successfully contained. Kenya can now embark on building a democratic society that includes Kenyans of Somali ethnic background. Ethiopia can concentrate on building its infrastructure of roads and dams and electricity as it blissfully waits for its own Tahrir Square moment again with Ethiopians of ethnic Somali origin fully onboard. Somaliland agrees with these developments. It wishes for a peaceful co-existence with all of its neighbours. With its own reclamation of its independence on May 18, 1991 Somaliland repudiated completely the concept of Great Somalia. It removed the symbol of Great Somalia, the five pointed star, from its flag and from its other logos. Somaliland realizes that the concept of Great Somalia with its ethnocentric and fascistic flavour has caused immeasurable misery for all Somalis and for all of its neighbours. The central justification of Somaliland’s existence is based on the sanctity of the colonial border on the day of its independence in June 26, 1960.
Dr. Omer Osman Raabi
Dr. Omer Osman Raabi
The role Kenya and Ethiopia are currently playing in Somali affairs however goes way beyond the re-affirmation of the colonial border with Somalia. It appears that the hyena has been selected to guard the sheep. And the hyena is being true to its nature. Meles Zenawi now enjoys the honorary status of Grand Reconciliator of Somalia’s warring tribes who have developed an intensity of hate for one another that is many times more passionate than their hate for Ethiopia’s “occupation of Somali territory of Ogaden, Hawd and Reserve area.” Meles may even be in the blessed state of entertaining the now more realistic thought of ending the land locked status of his nation once and for all.
The more a Somali tribe comes to regard the neighbouring tribes with hostility and fear, the more it sees Ethiopia as its trusted friend and protector and the more the tribe finds irresistible the concept of access to a market of 80 million of Ethiopian customers who may be even ready to help them build a seaport in their part of Somalia and a tarmac road for the tribe that connects them to the heart of the beast. These proposed radial Somali-Ethiopian roads could be expected to have the secondary effect of disconnecting each Somali tribe from those on either side of it, as the tribe’s social and economic life integrates more organically with that of Ethiopia.
Somaliland which harbours suspicions against Puntland is ready to share the port of Berbera with Meles. Puntland who is engaged in a dispute with Somaliland on one side and who is suspicious of the motives of the Hawiye to the south is ready to share the port of Bosaso and any other ports that can be developed in the region with Meles Zenawi. Galmudug State of Somalia who has similar mutual tribal hostility to the Somali tribes north and south to it plans to build a seaport in Hobyo and then to build a 172 km tarmac road that will connect that port to Meles Zenawi. And this strange affliction of building seaports and radial roads that end up in Ethiopia is going on at the present time in all the shores of Somalia and Somaliland. Meles is adapting, learning and evolving faster than his predecessor on the Ethiopian crown. Why invade Somalia when Somali tribes are begging to belong and to be protected?
In the late nineteen seventies, just before the wars against Siyad Barre started, the great scholar and pan Somali nationalist Dr. Omer Osman Raabi of Djibouti predicted that Ethiopia will gradually absorb Somali territory and thus achieve its dream of finding access to the sea. Dr. Raabi reached this conclusion by studying the geographical and territorial history of Ethiopia over the last few hundred years. The conclusions of a scholarly analysis that seemed, just twenty years ago, so totally absurd and out of touch with reality appears to be on the verge of becoming real all too soon.
Surviving Containment and Saving the Somali people
There is no doubt that Somaliland has shown an inner resilience, guts and muscle that allowed it to weather many a fatal storm in the past 20 years. It has not only survived but it has prospered and has become a beacon of hope of possibilities that are compatible with life to all Somali people in the horn of africa. There is no doubt that it will survive this one too aided primarily by its own inner steel and not by any support from any external force.
But Somaliland can and must do more than merely survive this ideological, military and tribal invasion. Somaliland has the promise of bringing something more to the region and to the world at large. It can show the way to an alternative future for Somalis in the horn of Africa and for Ethiopians, Kenyans, and to Djiboutians. A Future that is based on peace not war, on citizens not tribes, on well established colonial borders not the shifting sands of border disputes, primitive tribes with revenge and murder on their minds; future that can allow Ethiopians, Djiboutians, Kenyans and Somalis to prosper together under the stability offered by the sanctity of colonial borders; a future that precludes invasions of neighbouring countries and the building a future of injustice, cruelty, hostility, oppression and subsequent liberations for future generations.
In this regard it is important to realize that what is unique about Somaliland is not that it lacks the destructive power of primitive tribal urges and tribal bloodletting. It has plenty of these. What is unique about Somaliland is that it has stumbled upon a democratic model of governance that can give space to the rise of the concept of a Somaliland citizenship and that opens up for the Somalilander a wider horizon of moral, economic and political action that goes way beyond the narrow confines of tribal identity, tribal wars and tribal revenge. This model of equal citizenship, of one man one vote has given the republican nomad a means of co-existing with other tribes without resorting to the spear and the club as the only arbiter. Somaliland has guarded this uniqueness of its modern existence with all that is at its disposal. Its first line of defence has been to refuse to participate in all Somali reconciliation conferences precisely because every one of these invitations were delivered on the one condition that Somaliland abandon that which is unique about it and that is central to its peace and prosperity (the concept of democratic dispensation, statehood, citizenship, acceptance of colonial borders and the unequivocal and open rejection of Great Somalia.) The open invitations, the behind the scene conspiracies and the secret offers all demanded that Somaliland join its brothers in Somalia on the basis of its tribal subdivision (as Dhulbahante, Gadabuursi, Isaak, Issa, Muse Dhariyo, Warsangale and other tribes of Somaliland) and not as a unitary state. Somalilanders knew that the invitation was the Somali tribal offer of “ninkii rooni reerka ha u hadho” (let us fight it out and let the strongest remain standing) and Somaliland rightfully and appropriately rejected every one of these invitations.
And now the time is ripe for a counter offer. Listed below are the necessary elements for the reconstruction of Somali society. Somaliland can succeed in these tasks even though they appear to impossible at first examination. Somaliland must show the willingness to dedicate itself to this course of action until success is achieved. But there is one caveat. Somaliland can only carry such a heavy responsibility if regional and international forces help it achieve these goals and recognize Somaliland as a separate and independent state. In all other circumstance Somaliland should continue to insist on its statehood and independence however long its international recognition takes and however hard the road becomes for the alternative of melting into the Somali problem poses a much more ruthless future for its population.
The Five Essentials of Reconstruction of Somali Society
  1. The military defeat and disarming of all tribal forces, an armed tribe is not compatible with statehood and peace. There can be no compromises here.
  2. The military defeat and disarming of all religious groups in a manner that allows space for Salafi, sophism and other versions of Islam to co-exist in peace in a democratic environment.
  3. The defeat of piracy at its lairs on land
  4. The Resurrection of Somalia in which governance is based on citizenship, not tribal affiliation and land ownership is legally mandated not tribally determined.
  5. Open and unequivocal rejection of the concept of Great Somalia and acceptance of the sanctity of colonial borders.
Bringing about such changes to the Somali problem will require both the club and the carrot. It will require many, many dedicated boots on the ground and many more lives on the line. It will require Somalis negotiating with Somalis about the future of Somalis in their own country. Somaliland must start to canvas these thoughts with other Somalis, build the necessary coalitions that could bring it about, avoid the simplistic hair brained “solutions, constitutions, projects, conspiracies and scholarly theses” that are divorced completely from the reality on the ground and the hard work necessary for building a society from the ground up in the field and not in a fancy conference rooms in other countries. Somaliland must allow the means and methodology necessary to complete the task to arise from Somali minds on Somali soil uncontaminated by money, corruption and adverse regional interests. Such consideration must prove themselves real in the harsh hot light of the day in Somalia and on its hard dry grounds where Somalis live, sweat, kill each other and die.
No other nation could be more appropriate, could have deeper commitment, and could be better equipped to deal with the Somali Crisis than Somaliland. No other nation could have a better understanding of the Somali Crisis. No other nation has more profound and fateful vested interest to see the success and rebirth of Somalia. In this initiative Somaliland will be driven by kinship, by self interest and by economic and military necessarily.
And finally can the world listen to the pleas of Somaliland finally.
By Dr. Abdishakur Jowhar | OPINION | 30 April, 2011
jowharabdi@gmail.com
Dr. Abdishakur Jowhar

Saturday, April 16, 2011

In Memory of Ambassador Mohamed Omar Dubad

In Memory of Ambassador Mohamed Omar Dubad

Mohamed Omar Dubad, the longtime Somali ambassador in Switzerland, died in Geneva on April 14, 2011 of natural causes after a long illness.
Ambassador Dubad was born in Borama circa 1948. He started his education in Borama and later joined Sheikh Secondary school in 1964 where he graduated four years later. The following year he went to the college of education at Afgoi, majoring in mathematics. Upon graduation, he was appointed an instructor at the Math department eventually becoming the head of the Department.
In 1978 he was awarded a scholarship to Southampton University in England for graduate studies in math. It was at the Southampton where, as the top of his class, his professor, who was moving to Ann Arbor University in Michigan, offered to take with him to the American university. That Ambassador Dubad was exceptionally gifted was evidenced by the fact that while he completed his undergraduate education at a local university, he emerged as the top student in his graduate class at the British university. He transferred to Ann Arbor where he earned a master’s degree in Math with a focus on statistics.
When he returned to Mogadishu, he was assigned as Executive Director at the National Refugee Agency established to provide relief supplies to the nearly 800, 000 people uprooted by the 1977 war between Somalia and Ethiopia. Dr. Mohamed Nuh Ali who teaches at Carlton university in Ottawa recalled: “This operation was behemoth and Mohamed Omar Dubad proved to be a capable leader in terms of his seamless interaction with the UNCHR expatriate staff and the manner he ensured relief supplies-shelter, food, clothes and medicine- were delivered in a timely manner to this large number of displaced people scattered in camps across the country.”
After this stint at the Refugee agency he was sent to the Somali embassy in Geneva to coordinate refugee matters with the UNHCR. He eventually became head of the Somali mission in Geneva. During his long stay there he safeguarded the assets of the people, helped immigrants seeking refugee status in every way possible. He also hosted the late President Mohamed Egal of Somaliland when he visited there in the 1990s.
Ambassador Mohamed Omar Dubad was one of the most gifted sons of Awdal and he will be missed dearly by all.
We the under-named are profoundly shocked by his passing and would like to extend our sympathies and condolences to his wife, Marwo Fadimo Qalib Kamil, his children Omar, Kawthar, Hoda, Layla and Idil  as well as his mother Hasna Hassan and also to the rest of his immediate family members.
  1. Dr. Moahmed Nuh Ali and Sahra Hassan Habbane.
  2. Dahir Hamud Elabeh(Switzerland, Zürich)
  3. Ibrahim Hagi Muhumad Aye
  4. Adan Amin Awil
  5. Mohamed Hersi Bahal
  6. Mohamed Hussein Farid
  7. Omar Abdi Egeh
  8. Jama Osman Geele
  9. Dr. Ali Bahar and Roda Hagi Mizan
  10. Mohamed Sheikh Hassan Tani
10.  Dr. Mohamoud Sheikh Hassan Tani
11.  Ali Sugal
12.  Abokar Nuh Ali
13.  Mohamoud Wais
14.  Mohamoud Alaabari
15.  Ali warsame
16.  Saeed Fahiye
17.  Abshir Isse
18.  Saeed Saleh
19.  Mohamoud Abdillahi Iman
20.  Rashid Hassan Matan
21.  Ibrahim A Iman
22.  Mohamed H Sayreh
23.  Abdi Farah Gireh
24.  Adan H Iman
25.  Ahmed A Iman

Friday, April 15, 2011

Scent of success in Somaliland


Scent of success in Somaliland

By Katrina Manson
Published: April 14 2011 21:40 | Last updated: April 14 2011 21:40
Saynab Jama sifts through frankincense
Natural resource: Saynab Jama sifts through frankincense
Bent over small, sticky “pebbles” of frankincense in Burao, a livestock town in Somaliland, Saynab Jama has no idea that the pieces of resin she picks through on a dusty floor will end up as perfume in France.
The 34-year-old mother of five has done well to avoid being included in her homeland’s 50 per cent unemployment rate, in an east African region better known for piracy, terrorism and daily mortal combat than fragrance.
“I like the work and I earn more than when I used to sell goats in the market,” she says, her fingers working swiftly, legs outstretched, in a room musty with the hint of incense. “I need to be here – my husband left me and I have not seen him in a long time.”
An aromatic resin prized since ancient times for use in cosmetics, medicine and incense for the gods, frankincense was once so valuable that, according to the Bible, three astrologer-priests put it on a par with gold and myrrh, another gum resin, when they set off for Bethlehem.
Two thousand years after the three wise men’s journey, the price of gold is hitting new highs, while frankincense bumps along at $1.65 a kilogramme.
Keenly watching this price is 33-year-old Guelleh Osman Guelleh, Somaliland’s biggest natural gums exporter. His family’s trading company, Neo Trading/Beyomol, buys and sells $600,000 of aromatic resins a year, and employs dozens of people, such as Ms Jama.
Mr Guelleh, sitting in a hotel garden gazebo in Somaliland’s capital, Hargeisa, says: “There is a lot of room for production to be increased, but the main obstacle is we’re pressured on price. The lower the price, the more problematic it is for farmers to go out and spend time tapping and collecting.”
Each tree is handed down through generations of local clans who appoint someone to tend and slash the bark of the stout leafless Boswellia tree, which grows wild in the region’s sparse mountain forests. They return sometimes months later to collect the exuded resin. Low prices, despite tripling since 2000, must rise further and demand become more consistent if painstaking tapping is to be viable.
Transported by donkey and camel to Burao, much of the gum is processed by hand, although some machines have been imported from India.
Mr Guelleh began exporting natural gums in 2002 and says production of frankincense could reach 12 times what it is today. In the five years to 2009, port exports have already risen 22 times to 5.5m kg.
His is a sizeable business in Somaliland, which declared independence from Somalia in 1991. The economy badly needs to diversify away from its precarious livestock industry, which accounts for 40 per cent of gross domestic product.
Mr Guelleh, who read economics in the UK at the University of Nottingham, speaks of developing supply sides, consistent demand and shifting the balance of the value chain as crucial to the industry’s future. “When you look at the value chain, most of it is in Europe, so we need to transfer some of that here,” says Mr Guelleh, who wants to set up his own refinery and start distilling the more valuable essential oil.
He also wants to find new markets. Most of his material goes to Marseille, where perfumers extract and bottle essential oils; the rest goes to the Middle East to feed an appetite for frankincense chewing gum.
“We’re trying to get to Korea, to the Far East, and trying to diversify into packaging,” he says.
But export prices are rising. His container export fees have risen steeply because of the piracy off the coast, while potential trading partners are put off by the risks of doing business in so chaotic a region. “The onus is on you in a huge way to prove that Somaliland is different in every way to Somalia,” says Mr Guelleh.
The Roman army invaded Arabia in search of frankincense, Syrians offered it up to Apollo and Egypt’s pharaohs were embalmed with it. Somalilanders in search of more viable economic and national independence may hope that the fabled power of frankincense will be restored in modern times. 

Tuesday, April 5, 2011

Wasiirkii hore ee Macdanta iyo Biyaha oo canbaareeyay Qurba-jooga reer Awdal ee ku dhawaaqay Awdal State


 

Wasiirkii hore ee Macdanta iyo Biyaha oo canbaareeyay Qurba-jooga reer Awdal ee ku dhawaaqay Awdal State

April 05, 2011 By: Idhanka Category: News

Cismaan Aw Cabdi Muxumed oo ahaa wasiirkii Macdanta iyo Biyaha ee Xukuumaddii Madaxweyne Rayaale ayaa shir jaraa’id oo uu ku qabtay Hargeysa ku Canbaareeyay Qurba-jooga u dhashay reer Awdal ee dibada kaga dhawaaqay inay samaysanayaan Maamul la yidhaahdo Awdal State.
Cismaan waxa uu sheegay inay kooxdaasi tahay koox yar oo aan metali Karin dadweynaha reer Awdal ee Somaliland ee jooga Qurbaha, isla markaana dadka reer Awdal ay ku filan yihiin inay ka hortagaan fidnada ay Somaliland ku abuurayaan waxaanu yidhi “ dadka reer Awdal muddo sided sano ah ayay xilka Madaxweynenimo hayaan waa ceeb in maanta markii isbedel yimi ay ku hadlaan waxaan cuntami karin, kuwa waxaa samaynayaa ma metelaan dadka qurba jooga ah ee reer Awdal, wax ay ku samayn karaan Somaliland Madax banaanideedana ma jirto.” Ayuu yidhi
Isagoo sii wata hadalka uu kooxdaas ku durayo waxa uu yidhi “ dadka qurbajooga ah ee reer Awdal waxa laga filayaa inay dalkooda wax soo taraan, waxaan uga mahadnaqayaa sidii ay jaamacadda Camuud u dhiseen maantana waxa looga fadhiyaa inay ku soo tartamaan sidii ay gobolkooda iyo dalka intiisa kaleba uga hirgalin lahaayeen Mashaariic horumarineed si ay Dalkooda u dhisaan, loogama baanha inay maanta la yimaadaan waxaan ka turjumayn dareenka fayaw ee dadkooda.”
Cismaan Aw Cabdi mar uu ka hadlayay reer Awdal ahaan waxa ay aaminsan yihiin iyo talaabada ay ka qaadanayaan dhawaaqaas waxa uu yidhi “ reer Awdal waa Somaliland, reer Awdal baana ku filan kooxdaasi waxa aan leeyahay xukuumadda meel uga banaan ma jirto wax ka qabashada arrintaas ee reer Awdal faraha halooga qaado” ayuu ku soo gabagabeeyay shirkiisa jaraa’id
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